What is presented today as a minor initiative—the distribution of so-called welfare chocolate (Chocolate del Bienestar) in schools—is neither an isolated nor innocent event. It is part of a carefully designed social engineering project aimed at shaping both the behavior and ideology of the new generations from childhood.
This chocolate, along with the content and educational methods of the New Mexican School (NEM) implemented by the Morena political party, are pieces that fit perfectly into the same machine: the progressive indoctrination promoted by the 4T regime.
Through a deliberate contradiction—banning private brands’ junk food while imposing an equally sugary state product—the government generates scarcity, informality, and dependency. Children, deprived of alternatives, turn to school black markets, where illegality becomes normal practice. This strategic tolerance of the informal economy is not accidental: it is a way of introducing minors to a logic of permissible transgression, where the rules only apply according to who imposes them. It is, nothing more and nothing less, a pedagogy of functional anarchy.

This phenomenon responds to the principle of agorism, an anarcho-socialist movement that promotes the creation of parallel markets as a form of resistance to the institutional system. Although it may sound extreme, this is what is being incubated in classrooms: not critical and responsible citizens, but children who learn from an early age that operating outside the law is valid if the State forces them to do so or if they do so with its tacit consent.
And this is where the role of the NEM comes in. Under the rhetoric of “inclusion,” “community knowledge,” and “social justice,” this educational model replaces scientific and critical thinking with a collectivist ideological vision, where the individual is sacrificed in favor of a supposedly homogeneous community. It is the classic formula of pedagogical Marxism: to educate the “new man” who doesn’t think, but repeats; who doesn’t question, but gives thanks; who doesn’t belong to himself, because he belongs to the State.
It is no coincidence that Mario Delgado, a political figure from Morena, has been directly involved in the structuring of this educational model. The politicization of education is no longer a suspicion: it’s a palpable reality. And this chocolate, which today seems like a symbolic gesture, is, in reality, another emblem of that ideology. Like Baracoa chocolate in Cuba or Rey chocolate in Venezuela, these products were not designed to nourish, but to create emotional loyalty and symbolic dependence on the regime. They weren’t food: they were instruments of obedience.

The risk we face is profound. Because these seemingly minor acts are designed to reprogram an entire generation. By molding children’s minds to accept illegality, justify contradiction, obey without question, and consume what the state offers without questioning its origin or purpose, the possibility of a free and thoughtful citizenry is being dismantled.
This is social engineering. Nothing else. It is a behaviorist experiment that uses reinforcement mechanisms (like chocolate) and contradictory norms (like selective prohibition) to design behaviors desirable to the regime. It’s a system of gentle indoctrination, where imposition isn’t felt as violence, but as paternalistic care. And that is precisely its greatest danger.

The NEM and the chocolate of well-being are two cogs in the same system.
One shapes the mind, the other conditions the body. Together, they form an apparatus of profound cultural transformation, the result of which will be a domesticated, dependent, and judgment-free society. If we don’t stop it now, tomorrow, there will be no memory of what it meant to be truly free.
This isn’t a problem of sweets; it’s a problem of freedom. And education should not be the laboratory for any ideological experiment. It must develop human beings capable of thinking for themselves, not automatons grateful to those in power.
Opinion piece by Martha DĂaz CarriĂłn Montoya, a citizen of the state of Chiapas.